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Top of the Campops: 60 things you didn't know about family, marriage, work, and death since the middle ages

Top of the Campops: 60 things you didn't know about family, marriage, work, and death since the middle ages

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When did spinsters spin?

June 12th, 2025

Amy Erickson

Since the 16th century, spinster’ has denoted a never-married woman. Until 2005, in marriage registers all brides were either a spinster or a widow, and all grooms either a bachelor or a widower. But ‘spinster’ originated in the 14th century, formed from the verb ‘to spin’ with the feminine suffix ‘ster’, to mean a woman who spun a textile fibre. Presumably, spinning was so common an activity among single women that the second meaning grew out of the first.  

Marital or occupational status?

When encountered in historical documents, ‘spinster has invariably been read by historians as a designation of marital status, since it became in the 17th century the principal identification of a never-married woman, taking over from ‘singlewoman’ and ‘maiden’ or ‘maid. An unmarried woman could sue or be sued, and could own property, unlike a married woman, so establishing marital status was important. At the end of the 17th century, at a time of concern over low marriage rates in England, spinster also acquired its pejorative meaning, alongside the creation of the ‘old maid’. 

Michael Sweerts, An Old Woman Spinning. The Fitzwilliam Museum.

‘Spinner’ also meant a person who spun, of either sex, from at least the 15th century if not earlier, and retained it occupational meaning without mutation. But despite the availability of spinner, spinster continued to be used in its occupational as well as its marital sense in some places through the 18th century.

In 1767, for example, parliament required ‘Returns of Papists’ from every parish to list the names and occupations of Catholics. There were particularly large numbers in northwest England, some of them immigrants from Ireland. In parishes throughout Lancashire and Cheshire, women who were listed alongside men of the same age (apparently husbands) and children were recorded as ‘spinsters’, which suggests that this was the occupational usage. In some places, all Catholic females over the age of 10 were ‘spinsters’ so the word in those cases must be used occupationally rather than maritally.  

The Westmorland survey of 1787 specified marital status as well as occupation, and in that listing, both married women and widows were identified as spinsters by occupation. As late as 1801, the draft listing for the first census in the township of Winwick with Hulme, north of Warrington, listed women as ‘spinster’ who were clearly married or widowed, and furthermore categorised these women as working in manufacture – thereby using the occupational rather than the marital meaning of spinster. For the south of England, spinner appears to have been more commonly used, and where spinster is used, its meaning is uncertain. 

Winwick 1801 listing, Household 46. Reproduced with the permission of Cheshire Archives & Local Studies.

Why does this matter?

Spinning was one of the most important employments for women for over 500 years. One estimate based on the volume of cloth that England exported in the 17th century suggests that almost every woman in the country must have been spinning. Spinning was mechanised gradually, from the 1740s for silk (always the smallest textile sector), from the 1780s for cotton, and later for linen and wool.

Mechanised spinning machines were operated by men, so very large numbers of women lost employment. When calculating women’s labour force participation from population listings prior to 1800, it makes a big difference whether spinsters are counted as unmarried or as spinning. 

We tend to think of spinning as done on a wheel. These were introduced in England in the later middle ages from India, and there were a wide range of different types of wheel for different types of fibre and yarn. They could be positioned indoors in the kitchen, or outdoors for better light as illustrated below. In the mid-17th century Geertryudt Roghman depicted a woman at a spinning wheel with a small child helping or playing.  

A woman spinning on a wheel in front of a cottage. Trustees of the British Museum, asset number 1512582001.

But the strongest yarn was spun with the simple technology of a distaff (stick) and spindle (drop weight), which could be taken anywhere. In the mid-18th century, Paul Sandby sketched a woman walking with her distaff. At the end of the 18th century, Thomas Bewick’s Mother Goose showed a woman simultaneously teaching children and spinning. In Jean Louis Demarne’s etching, the shepherdess spins while minding the animals.  

The yarn that was to be used as warp for weaving was different from that to be used for weft. And yarn intended for knitting was different again from that used in weaving. Stockings and caps could be made on the knitting frame illustrated below. Thicker fishermen’s wear (jerseys, guernseys, ganseys) was knitted by hand. Knitted cardigans and jumpers for the general population only appeared in the 20th century. 

J. Hinton, ‘The Art of Stocking Framework Knitting’, Universal Magazine, 1751. Trustees of the British Museum, asset number 849207001.

Representations of women spinning

Spinning was a quintessentially female activity in the ancient world, regularly illustrated on Greek pottery. Its representation of female virtue was perhaps another reason that ‘spinster’ transmuted from a woman who spun to a ‘maiden’. Eve was depicted spinning while suckling Cain and Abel in a 12th-century carving from Ferrara 

Eve with Cain and Abel, Ferrara, c.1135. Author’s photo.

St Anne is occasionally depicted spinning, such as in this engraving while teaching the Virgin Mary to read. George Romney painted Emma Hart (who would become Lady Hamilton) spinning most romantically – although there is good reason to think that Hart never actually spun in her life. 

From the mid-19th century onwards, images of women spinning are rarely set in England, but rather in Scotland, Ireland, or more exotic places, such as Rebecca Solomon’s painting reproduced in the London Illustrated News in 1858.  

Although some men did spin, men were never depicted spinning. Putting a distaff in a man’s hand was a means of ridicule. But in a woman’s hands, the distaff could become a weapon. 

‘Madge and Bauldy’, a woman assaults a man with her distaff; plate 8 of Alan Ramsay’s ‘Gentle Shepherd’ (1788). Trustees of the British Museum, asset number 769170001.

The frequent images of women spinning reflect the ubiquity of this form of labour in the centuries before mechanisation. While that very ubiquity produced the elision of spinster with unmarried woman, today ‘spinster’ is most often employed pejoratively.

Next time you encounter it, remember the occupational basis of the marital descriptor which has, like so many words describing women, been weaponised to denigrate them.

Further reading 

Open resources

The Spinning Project 

V&A Museum British Knitting Traditions 

Paywall

  • Beattie, C., Medieval Single Women: The Politics of Social Classification in Late Medieval England (Oxford, 2007). 
  • Froide, A. M., Never Married: Singlewomen in Early Modern England (Oxford, 2005). 
  • Muldrew, C., ‘“Th’ancient Distaff” and “Whirling Spindle”: measuring the contribution of spinning to household earnings and the national economy in England, 1550–1770’, Economic History Review 65:2 (2012). 
  • Humphries, J., and Schneider, B., ‘Spinning the industrial revolution’, Economic History Review 72:1 (2019). 
  • Schneider, B., ‘Technological unemployment in the British industrial revolution: The destruction of hand-spinning’, Past & Present (online early). 

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The struggle to define self-employment

June 5th, 2025

Bob Bennett

Distinguishing someone who is self-employed from another who is waged seems at first obvious: one works for themselves, the other works for others. However, the distinction was often far from simple in the past, and today has been politically contested.  

The differences between employment and self-employment are important for demographic analysis, potentially affecting risk and legally who is responsible for hazards at work. It is important for economic analysis because it reflects different levels of agency or freedom and the dynamics of many businesses. It may be a critical influence on income: a very few who are self-employed may get astonishingly rich. It is also important for understanding motivation, possible levels of self-fulfilment, and how different people respond to changing demands and opportunities in an economy. This all has important historical and policy implications. 

Photo by Dominik Bednarz on Unsplash.

Modern discussions often focus on agency work and zero-hour contracts: is someone self-employed, or are they de facto employed by a business contracting them and giving minimal security? Should this be regulated by government? How should trade unions be involved? How should laws balance between people’s wish for flexible working, and for employers’ response to workforce needs that can fluctuate widely from day to day or week to week? 

The Employment Rights Bill considered by the UK parliament in 2025 is attempting to define and enforce the differences between self-employment and being waged. Its discussion in Parliament and outside demonstrates the current difficulties of definitions, but these are of long standing. 

When did the distinction become important? 

Historically there was freedom between contractors and employers to determine how they would be classified – as self-employed or employees. Arrangements were flexible and often ambiguous. The main force that began to change things was income tax.   

In Britain, income taxes on profits of trade and farming began in 1798, but only became continuous in 1842. Mostly those liable were clearly defined by the nature of their trade, and while the tax rate remained low it was not worth much effort to challenge it. Difficulties began when taxes on wages, which were minor at the outset, were widened in the late 19th century. It then became increasingly necessary to distinguish between waged and self-employed. However, this was initially fairly simple because only ‘salaries’ were taxed (generally affecting only higher earners). 

Arthur Whinnom, Pay Day. Woodhorn Museum.

Major difficulties emerged during and after WW1, when tax rates rose rapidly and the rate of tax on profits became considerably lower than that on wages. When an additional tax on payroll (NICs) was expanded after 1948, this taxed employees even higher than the self-employed. The spiral intensified as governments often favoured increasing NICs on payrolls rather than income tax rates as they were less politically visible. These changes resulted in a 100-year long shift of incentives for people to define their income as self-employment wherever possible.  

During the 1980s and 1990s, the numbers of self-employed increased for structural reasons, but a major element of growth was purely driven by ‘tax efficiency’ – that is, people who claimed they were self-employed when the justification was at best marginal or even bogus. 

Inevitably, tax collectors were keen to limit this effect. The most concerted attack was the IR35 rule introduced in 2000. This set a specific test: that having a regular single or main employer meant you were an employee, even if you were a one-person company. To be self-employed you had to be working on different contracts for different people, with independent negotiation of your prices and costs, whether you were a company or not. This test was up to individuals and had little effect. But in 2017 the test was shifted to public sector employers to determine liability. Employers were also made responsible for collection and any errors in definition (as for other employees through PAYE). This responsibility was extended to private sector employers in 2021.  

There was a ‘flight to safety’. A small reduction occurred of self-employed numbers in 2018, but there were large reductions from 2022. Many of the remaining own account proprietors contracted to large organisations moved to ‘umbrella’ agencies that administer their incomes. In the Figure 1 (below) it is difficult to separate this effect from the Covid pandemic, but most of the 2021-2 reduction is estimated to be the effect of the change in IR35 rule. Highly-paid celebrities who had claimed to be self-employed though working for a media company or the BBC made a lot of noise about their loss of self-employment. However, at the other extreme, many poorly rewarded agency staff were incorrectly classified as employed. The 2025 Employment Rights Bill attempts to tighten these definitions further. 

Figure 1. Self-employment in England and Wales 1994-2024. Source: LFS. [Discontinuities in data definitions over early years have been smoothed].

The ‘gig economy’ 

The ability for online platforms using Apps to connect suppliers of services with consumers has challenged some of the old regulations. Celebrated recent legal cases in Britain have had to define self-employment in light of these new circumstances. However, although the technology may be new, the decisions are almost identical to long-standing distinctions. 

For example, Uber in London was found by the Supreme Court in 2021 to be an employer. Their cab drivers were not self-employed; the contract for hire was between the passenger and company, not between the passenger and the cabbie despite them ordering through an App 

The fine distinctions are clear from Deliveroo, where the Supreme Court found it was not an employer in 2023. In that case, the rider had freedom to accept or reject jobs and could do jobs for others. This may change under the 2025 legislation in parliament. 

Historical examples

The building industry is well-known for the difficulties of definitions. In the past, as now, the smallest and most numerous group of self-employed were jobbing builders: own account and small partnerships that employed only themselves or a small workforce. Most were single tradesmen such as bricklayers, joiners and carpenters or masons. Many larger firms employed these individuals and small partnerships on large jobs. Were the small sole proprietors then employed, or self-employed? 

Firms varied. The largest contractors for railways, canals and dock construction usually hired all navvies and most other workers for the life of the project, and had few permanent staff. In contrast, even the largest ‘master builders’ responsible for constructing churches, public buildings and factories mostly had a core permanently employed workforce of skilled craftsmen and foremen. When needed they employed labourers and a few extra self-employed craftsmen as extras. These workers might continue to be self-employed or be put on the employer’s payroll.  

One way to examine definitions is to look at pay ledgers. Detailed accounting in building firms for personnel attributed to each contract was used to calculate tenders, monitor works, and negotiate any extras needed on completed works. Ledgers were often divided into salaries for foremen, clerks, managers and senior staff, and wages for tradesmen. For John Mowlem & Co. in the 1880s, almost all people were on continuous pay ledgers; only lightermen, carters and extras on piece-work were recorded as self-employed 

Dock Workers, Dundee. University of Dundee, Duncan of Jordanstone College Collection.

Franchises and ‘tied’ activities 

Pubs, inns and beer houses were often owned or tenanted by those who operated them, making them a nationwide source of self-employment, often important for women. Some pubs were tied to breweries who appointed waged managers, but until the late 19th century many tied pubs were tenancies run by the proprietor, with the tie only restricting the drink sold. Most innkeepers were self-employed. 

Some tied pubs were an early form of franchise. Franchises have become a very common business model in modern times. Much depends on the franchise contract as to whether they are sources of self-employment. Most modern fast-food chains and retailers rarely qualify as run by the self-employed. They are de facto branches, though there may be incentives with wages linked to size of turnover. 

Martha Matilda Harper is often credited as creating the first franchise model. Through domestic service she saved enough to open a hairdressers and began selling hair products, especially shampoo. Her business expanded by opening branches where she selected and trained other women using her brand. She had over 500 shops operating across the USA by late the 19th century; but their staff were de facto her employees. 

Isaac Singer’s Sewing Machine Company licenced the rights to sell its machines through agents who were charged a fee. Initially operating in the USA, the business expanded rapidly and by 1867 opened a factory in Glasgow, expanding to 60,000 sales per year by 1880 using about 300 offices in Britain, with numerous agents selling the machines.  

The Prudential used almost entirely an agent model to sell insurance policies: ‘the man from the Pru collected from the door. Founded in 1848 and incorporated in 1861, it had 10,600 agents by 1888 and 18,000 by 1902. Theoretically they could be self-employed, and initially many were also agents for other businesses. But in 1875 almost all were full-time working only for the Pru as de facto employees. The Pru’s district offices were almost entirely concerned with managing the agents. 

Worker-contractors and outwork  

Worker-contractors and outworkers highlight the problematic distinctions between self-employed and workers. Outworkers generally operate at home. Some could exercise a lot of control over the amount of work they took in, whether it was from one or multiple sources, and had some level of control over prices. Under these criteria they could argue they were self-employed. However, independence required not only motivation but realistic opportunities to trade independently. The majority of outworkers had no opportunities to exercise controls, and may not have wished to do so, preferring the security of a fixed price per piece or contract if the employer was viewed as fair. 

One manufacturer locally viewed as fair and having no history of disputes was Daniel Gurteen & Sons of Haverhill, Suffolk, a clothing, towelling, rug and hosiery manufacturer. In 1888 they had a major works with some 1,500 workers, two-thirds female. Additionally another 1,500 or so did work at their homes in the villages around. They had a fixed rate and their work was checked and managed. Old men with donkey carts took out and fetched back the work. Not only did these locals have little motive to trade independently, but Gurteens in any case monopolised most contracting opportunities.

Self-employment in 19th century Britain was not just about the trade or the person’s motives and desires for independence. It was also about where they were, and the scope their town offered to run an independent business. 

National statistics

In the 1891 Census, for the first time, everyone who was economically active was supposed to identify as either a worker, employer, or working on own account. Combining the last two of these categories should give us a count of all ‘self-employed’; everyone else who was economically active was a worker. 

Unfortunately, various defects in the wording and design of the 1891 census, and also its administration, make the resulting information difficult to use. The question was re-designed in 1901. The fundamentals of the census question then continued until the modern censuses, though in almost all censuses the challenges of definition of self-employment make the responses problematic in detail.  

The 1901 census question.

It is notable that the census did not define an employer of domestic servants as an employer: these employers were not counted in census number, yet domestics were counted as employees – resulting in difficulties of balancing estimates of national self-employment rates. 

As a result of this and other difficulties of census design, most modern economic analysis has used the Labour Force Survey (LFS) in preference to the census. This was introduced in the 1970s. However, even this has suffered major problems, and since the 2010s has had severely declining response rates. The Bank of England and others needing an accurate view of self-employment in the economy have been highly critical. In the late 2020s it is planned to introduce a new version of the LFS. Defining self-employment remains a continuing problem! 

Further reading 

Open access 

Paywall 

  •  Bennett, R. J., Smith, H., van Lieshout, C., Montebruno, P., Newton, G., The Age of Entrepreneurship: Business proprietors, self-employment and corporations since 1851 (Routledge, 2019). https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315160375 

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Home Duties in the 1921 Census

May 29th, 2025

Alexander Wakelam

An earlier blog in this series challenged the notion that women only entered the workforce in significant numbers after the World Wars of the20thcentury. It showed that, in 1851, the census recorded 43 percent of adult women were employed, the majority of whom were engaged in some form of domestic service. Given that in 1550-1750 around one third of all households employed servants, and by comparison in 1851 only 12 percent of households did so, the adult female employment rate in the 16th to 18th centuries would have been even higher than the 43 percent figure recorded for 1851.

One consequence of the decline in domestic service (which continued throughout the 19th and into the 20th century) was the need for more unpaid labour in the home. Despite this, we unfortunately know relatively little about such labour, since it was mostly invisible to official sources.  

E. Degas, Laundry girls ironing, 1884.

However, a rare view of women engaged in unpaid labour at home comes from the recently digitised 1921 Census of England and Wales. This shows us that patterns of women’s non-paid work were as varied in the past as their paid work; not all decisions were purely about money or the patriarchy. Understanding why women chose or were required to manage the home – a task that could be as exhausting as paid employment outside of it – helps reveal cultural ideas about the place of women in society and the family, and what “work” meant to them, particularly in an industrialised economy. 

Evidence from the census 

Censuses prior to 1921 essentially focused on capturing details of paid occupations together with very specific types of unpaid assistance, such as on farms. For example, in 1911 the instructions to householders on how to complete their census entry stated: The occupations of women engaged in any business or profession, including women regularly engaged in assisting relatives in trade or business, must be fully stated. No entry should be made in the case of wives, daughters, or other female relatives wholly engaged in domestic duties at home. The occupation section of women engaged in domestic duties were thus simply left blank 

This was reversed in the 1921 census. The government now asked householders: For a member of a private household (such as householder’s wife) who is mainly occupied in unpaid domestic duties at home, write ‘Home Duties’.’ Indeed, examination of the original census schedules for 1921 reveal many cases where enumerators have ‘corrected’ the form by writing in “Home Duties” where it appears to have been omitted. 

L. R. Garside, Woman in a Kitchen. Pannett Art Gallery.

Despite having gone to some effort to specifically collect this data on women engaged in home duties, for reasons unknown (but probably cost), the Census Office in London later decided not to analyse and publish this information. The original forms suggest that these women were going to be grouped with all those ‘retired from work’ but were ultimately excluded even from this group.  

However, examining the transcriptions of the 1921 census materials captured by FindMyPast, and made available to Campop as part of the ESRC-funded I-CeM project, it is possible for the first time to construct a picture of those women who were recorded as providing unpaid domestic support in the form of home duties.  

Of the 12,858,643 women aged 15 to 60 in the 1921 Census, around 49 percent were reportedly engaged in ‘Home Duties’. This rose to 74 percent for the 6,317,968 married women. Indeed, as Figure 1 (below) sets out, unpaid domestic work was very much a feature of the experience of married women.

Figure 1. Percentage of women per age group in home duties by marital status.

Before marriage, most women, after finishing school, were engaged in waged labour (either outside or in the home) particularly after their mid to late teens, when some girls were apparently expected to take on domestic duties. For some, this was not merely aiding but replacing their mother: 21 percent of 17-year-olds whose mother had died were engaged in home duties, compared with 15 percent of all girls their age and 9 percent of those who had lost a father.  

Marriage and home duties

That home duties were primarily associated with married life is unsurprising. Particularly when children were too young to be occupied all day at school and for those who could not afford paid help, looking after the house was invariably a required task. The share of married women in home duties certainly increased during the prime years of childbearing in a woman’s late twenties and early thirties.  

However, as Figure 2 (below) shows, whilst the percentage of married women undertaking home duties increased between the birth of the first and second child, the share of married women who were already engaged in home duties before their first child was born was very high.

Figure 2. Share of married women in home duties by total children.

Even amongst the youngest wives without any children, around 70 percent were not working, rising to 75 percent after the first birth. Those with more than three children (particularly if young) were more likely to be in work – either reflecting their existing poverty or their need to feed more mouths – but still, 67 percent of the approximate 10,500 married women under 30 already with six children were occupied within the home. 

By 1921, women transitioning from being in paid employment to domestic management was not merely about the need to care for children. Rather it appears that it was expected of women – it was cultural rather than practical. In addition, given the high rate of home duties amongst older married women and widows over the age of 60, women seemingly did not return to work once children were able to look after themselves. The census clerks apparently were accurate in describing women in ‘Home Duties’ as retired from gainful employment. 

Geographical and class variations

Whether a married woman was in paid employment or looking after the home varied by geography and class, reflecting both economic needs but also local cultures. For some occupational groups, there was a clear culture of women remaining in the home. For example, very few wives of miners or those processing the minerals they dug up worked (3.3 percent in each case), reflecting the highly masculine culture of mining towns. In these locations, high male wages enabled couples to marry early, at the same time condemning women to lives of domesticity and repeated births.  

Esther Grainger, Portrait of a Miner’s Wife. National Museum Wales.

These couples, on the surface, shared much with fellow members of the northern working classes in nearby textile areas such as in the West Riding of Yorkshire. However, the textile areas had a fundamentally different culture of domesticity. High levels of female employment in the textile mills normalised the expectation that some married women with children would continue to work outside the home.  

Within these different cultures of work, levels of class separation also differed. The wives of coal miners exhibited similar rates of domestic duties (79.8 percent) to the wives of their foremen (82.4 percent) and employers (81.1 percent), but a clear difference appeared in the households of textile workers between wives of workers (64.1 percent), foremen (75.0 percent), and employers (82.2 percent). 

Employers in general tended to have higher rates of wives in domestic duties than their workers, although no gap between workers and employers was as large as in textiles.

The exception were bakers, as well as other makers of food and drink, of whom only some 60 percent of wives were in domestic duties, though the remainder predominantly worked in the family business such as running the shop. Their male employees were much less likely to be married than their employers, and 75 percent of their wives were at home. This reflected a general pattern amongst small business employers that, even if they exhibited higher rates of home duties than their workers, many had wives in work, often within the family business.  

Cultural norms

It seems probable that the concept of a non-working wife had become aspirational by the 1920s, associated with business success and also a level of sophistication that new members of the middle classes would be keen to emulate.  

The famously pretentious semi-bourgeois class of clerks – often resident in London’s expanding suburbs, an immortalised in Diary of a Nobody (1892) – exhibited this behaviour clearly. Nearly 84 percent of the wives of employer clerks were in home duties (higher than any other group within the 1921 occupational system), as were 82 percent of employees. Many of these clerks lived in areas of low rates of married women in home duties, further suggesting they were attempting to separate themselves from other members of the lower-middle classes in their local area.  

The only other group of employees with a higher rate of wives performing home duties appear at the opposite end of the class spectrum: agricultural labourers (83 percent). In this latter case, it would seem that the lack of employment opportunities, together with high fertility rates, kept wives at home, rather than a desire to demonstrate sophistication. Thus, whilst social position and class can be seen to have influenced the incidence of married women engaged in domestic duties, the situation was far from straightforward.  

Conclusion

What women in ‘home duties’ were precisely engaged in still remains a mystery, reflecting the regular obstruction of women’s everyday activity from the record across history. For some, surely ‘home duties’ reflected hard physical labour (particularly in washing), as well as hours of childcare exceeding the length of the factory day.

John French Sloan, A woman's work (1912).

John French Sloan, A woman’s work (1912).

For others, particularly the aspirational bourgeois, the activities of “home duties” involved little actual housework. 5.1 percent of wives in home duties had servants to assist them, a rate which doubled for clerks’ wives to 11.7 percent. For them, household “work” involved little physical action. Though this may have given some of these women the opportunity to spend their hours in cultural activities or socialising, for others it possibly reflected crushing boredom 

This was, however, a societal order about to be shaken to its core. Economic downturn approached, followed by war, and then the breaking down of social restrictions over the following decades. By 2021, 75.6 percent of mothers with dependent children were in work – a striking reversal of the c.75 percent who had been out of work only a century earlier. 

Further reading

  • Few, J., A History of Women’s Work – The Evolution of Women’s Working Lives (2025). 
  • Griffin, E., Breadwinner – An Intimate History of the Victorian Economy (2020), Part I. 
  • You, X., ‘Working with Husband? “Occupation’s Wife” and Married Women’s Employment in the Censuses in England and Wales between 1851 and 1911’, Social Science History 44:4 (2020).
  • https://www.campop.geog.cam.ac.uk/research/projects/icem/census1921.html 
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Who was self-employed in the past?

May 22nd, 2025

Bob Bennett 

It is often assumed that industrial Britain, with its large factories and mines employing thousands of people, left little space for individuals running their own businesses. But not everyone was employed as a worker for others. Some exercised a level of agency operating on their own as business proprietors, even if they were also often very constrained.

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Industriousness and precarity: work before the Industrial Revolution

May 15th, 2025

Judy Stephenson

The concept of an ‘industrious revolution’—a period when household productivity and consumer demand increased before industrialization, generating surplus for investment in new technology—has been influential since the late 1990s. For economic historians, the measure of industriousness is the number of days people worked per year. For anybody who was paid by the day, annual income was a function of the portion of the day rate that they received, and the number of days that they received it for. How many days people worked per year is therefore of profound importance to understanding preindustrial living standards, as well as economic growth.  

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When Mrs wasn’t married

May 8th, 2025

Amy Erickson

The English language uses three formal terms of address – Mr, Mrs, and Miss – for people ‘without a higher, honorific, or professional title’ (as the Oxford English Dictionary puts it). Many consider these terms archaic, and Go Title Free campaigns for their abolition with the slogan ‘Freedom from marital status titles’.  

It is often assumed that the use of two honorific terms for women (Mrs and Miss), and only one for men (Mr), is a relic of patriarchal control in a system where men wanted to know women’s marital status. The real story is entirely different. 

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The rise of coal

May 1st, 2025

Paul Warde

In the 19th century , no-one doubted the significance of Britain’s use of coal in underpinning its economic and political power – foreign neighbours envied Britain’s resources and mining industry long before the term ‘Industrial Revolution’ came into widespread use. In more recent decades, understanding about how burning fossil fuels has led to climate change puts a new complexion on this epochal shift. It is not only associated with bursting the constraints of the organic economy, but also bringing new hazards on a global scale. What happened in Britain takes on a new significance. 

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When we don’t have a cure or a vaccine, what works?

April 24th, 2025

Romola Davenport

When the covid-19 pandemic struck in 2020 there was no stockpile of coronavirus vaccines, and no cure. Instead, governments were forced to fall back on a repertoire of very traditional measures to control epidemics: surveillance, lockdowns, quarantines, and cordons sanitaire. To many people’s surprise, these measures were quite effective in the early stages of the pandemic. Countries that implemented strict quarantines, such as Australia and New Zealand, avoided large outbreaks. In countries with high levels of infection, lockdowns were followed by falling case numbers and deaths 

Did similar strategies help to control other infectious diseases in the past, before vaccines and antibiotics?  

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How did the elderly poor survive in the past?

April 17th, 2025

Richard Smith

In two previous blogs on older adults in the English past, we established that only a minority of older people enjoyed the luxury of a well-funded retirement, and that they rarely lived in extended households with married children to provide for them. So, who did look after the elderly when they were not able to work and had acquired few life-time savings 

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Peasants and the law in medieval England

April 10th, 2025

Chris Briggs

How should we characterise interactions between ordinary medieval folk and the law? The topic might conjure up images of draconian punishments for petty crimes, or the arbitrary treatment of villagers at the hands of landlords and sheriffs, perhaps influenced by the legends of Robin Hood.

One might imagine, too, that if things were bad for medieval England’s peasantry in general, then the experiences before the law of that subset of the peasantry who were unfree serfs (or villeins) must have been even worse. Even if you don’t believe that law was an instrument of class oppression in the past, you might still assume that the structures of the law were designed primarily to meet the needs of those who had most wealth and influence. 

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