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The not-so tropical disease: malaria in northern Europe

Thursday, March 13th, 2025

Mathias Mølbak Ingholt 

Many people know that malaria is a mosquito-borne disease that largely occurs in tropical regions. However, it is not so well known that malaria was endemic in parts of northern Europe – including Britain – until relatively recently.  

Unlike Plasmodium falciparum malaria, which today dominates in Sub-Saharan Africa with high mortality rates, European malaria was caused by Plasmodium vivax, a species with low mortality. It was eradicated from Europe only relatively recently, in the 20th century – yet surprisingly little is known about its history, and there is still some debate about how important a disease it was in the past.

Malaria, agues, and fevers 

The word “malaria” comes from the Italian words mal and aria, meaning “bad air”. This was a reference to the miasma theory of disease, according to which disease is caused by exposure to unhealthy vapours that emerged spontaneously. These vapours were believed to have existed in marshes and wetlands, and these ecotypes were stigmatized as very unhealthy in 17th-19th century literature. In the case of Britain, wetlands were associated with “agues” and “marsh fevers, and in Denmark and Germany, wetlands were associated with “koldfeber” (cold fever) and “fevers” in general.  

Frederick Milner, Marshland. Harris Museum & Art Gallery.

When Daniel Defoe visited the Thames estuary in 1721, he described how the marsh farmers married women from the uplands. After a short residence in the marshes, the women died from agues, and the men would then remarry. Defoe concluded that the men, having lived in the marshes since childhood, were grown accustomed to the “bad air, whereas the women they married, who were not used to marsh conditions, were affected much harder.  

Historians have often assumed that the agues and marsh fevers described by Defoe and others were synonyms for modern malaria. From an academic perspective, however, this assumption is problematic, because the meaning of the words used to describe these diseases has changed over time. According to the medical historian Christopher Hamlin, “ague” originally referred to any acute fevers, and hence not necessarily to malaria, and the modern tendency to conflate fevers, agues and malaria has potentially led to anachronisms 

Fever, represented as a frenzied beast, stands racked in the centre of a room, while a blue monster, representing ague, ensnares his victim by the fireside; a doctor writes prescriptions to the right. Etching by T. Rowlandson after J. Dunthorne, 1788. Wellcome Collection.

The demographic impact of malaria 

Despite confusions of terminology, however, the connection between marshes and modern malaria is not unreasonable. When medical statistics in Denmark were first aggregated in the second half of the 19th century, the largest malaria burden was on the flat and clayish islands of Lolland and Falster, which had had a reputation for ill health and “fevers” in earlier centuries   

In England, too, living in the marshes had multiple demographic disadvantages. Infant mortality rates in marsh parishes were higher than in upland parishes. In Kent and Essex, more people were being buried than baptised in the marsh parishes throughout the 17th and 18th centuries, suggesting that death rates here were very high

E. P. Lilley, Marshland. Hastings Museum and Art Gallery.

The historian Mary Dobson has argued that malaria was a more lethal disease in this period, only becoming milder in the 19th century, due to a combination of improved drainage, a changing virulence in the parasite, and more tolerance in the population. Evidence from late 19th century Denmark does indeed point to a low case fatality ratio of 0.17 percent (that is, 25 deaths per 15,000 cases of malaria), indicating that it was not in fact an acute cause of death by this point. 

Others have argued that although malaria itself may not have been an acute cause of death, the constant exposure to malaria in marsh parishes rendered those populations more vulnerable to other infections, explaining the high mortality rates. High neonatal infant mortality rates may have been due to mothers being unable to breastfeed during frequent fever bouts, and to the practice of giving infants opium, which was widely used and abused as a treatment for malaria. Finally, some have emphasized the role of poor water quality in the marshes, arguing that diarrhoeal diseases played a major part in the high mortality rates. 

Why did malaria disappear?

The disappearance of malaria in Europe has been explained by changes in the human exploitation of natural resources. One frequently cited hypothesis is that malaria disappeared because of agricultural improvements in the 19th century. Before then, the physical landscape was very different from that of today. The soil was wetter, forests were more widespread, and creeks and rivers had large deltas with flood plains. Advances in drainage techniques and steam-driven pumps meant that venture capitalists and farmers were able to drain their fields more efficiently, embank wetlands and turn them into arable farmland, and dry out bogs. The consequence was that the parts of Britain and Denmark that were previously wetland are today the most productive arable farmland.

But this agricultural revolution also had other unintended consequences. Clifford Darby has argued that the draining of the Fens led to an ecological collapse with many species of insects and birds disappearing.  

These land improvements would have had the consequence that mosquito populations were considerably reduced in the low-lying areas, and thereby the risk of humans contracting malaria was considerably reduced too. This in turn would have lowered the risk of mortality from other causes, assuming that chronic malarial infection constituted a significant co-morbidity.

John Sell Cotman, Drainage Mills in the Fens, Croyland, Lincolnshire. Yale Center for British Art.

Improvements in housing that reduced exposure to mosquitoes has also been suggested as a reason for the decline of malaria and, finally, it has been suggested that expansions in livestock herds meant that mosquitoes became naturally attracted to livestock and hence lost their preference for human blood. Since the malaria parasites cannot survive in livestock, this would have ended the transmission of the disease 

In Denmark, malaria incidence rates plummeted during the 1870s and 1880s, and by the turn of the 20th century, nearly all Danish cases were imported. The case of Britain was similar; after the First World War, returning soldiers stationed on the Isle of Sheppey infected with malaria managed to start a small epidemic, showing that malaria still had the ability to thrive in northern Europe.

Disentangling the local effects of malaria as a co-morbidity from the overall great decline is difficult to conduct, if not impossible. Nevertheless, what is clear, is that the marshlands went from being the unhealthiest places to live to having the most productive and arable soil, and free of malaria. 

Further reading 

  • Davenport, R., and Satchell, M., ‘Malaria, migration and merry widowers in the Essex marshes 1690-1730’, Local Population Studies 112 (2024), 10-35.  
  • Dobson, M., Contours of Death and Disease in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge, 1997). 
  • Ingholt, M. M., ‘An ordinary malaria? Intermittent fever in Denmark 1826-1886’ Medical History 67:1 (2023), 57-73. 
  • Ingholt, M. M., Chen, T. T., Hildebrandt, F., Pedersen, R. K., and Simonsen, L., ‘Temperate climate malaria in nineteenth-century Denmark’, BMC Infectious Diseases 22:432 (2022), 1-11. 
  • https://www.campop.geog.cam.ac.uk/research/projects/malaria/ 
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International Women’s Day: Female Entrepreneurs

Saturday, March 8th, 2025

Amy Erickson

This year’s International Women’s Day (IWD) theme is Accelerate Action a call for ‘swift and decisive steps’ to advance gender equality across the personal and professional spheres. Since 2001, IWD has been a not-for-profit organisation dedicated to ‘advancing and celebrating’ women’s equality, but its history goes much further back. 

The history of IWD

IWD originated in 1908 with demands for better working conditions: women marched in New York City and Chicago demanding shorter hours, better pay, their own union, and full suffrage. In 1909, 400 immigrant women at the Triangle Shirtwaist (blouse) Factory in New York went on strike. Clara Lemlich (Ukrainian, speaking in Yiddish) led the largest industry-wide walkout in the city’s history, an ‘uprising’ of 20,000 women garment workers. This resulted in the first permanent trade unions for women in the USA.

Theresa Malkiel (Russian), head of the Woman’s Committee of the Socialist Party of America, proposed the first National Woman’s Day on 28 February 1910. In the same year, at the International Socialist Women’s Conference in Copenhagen, attended by over 100 women from 17 countries, German activists Luise Zietz and Clara Zetkin proposed an International Women’s Day to campaign for equal political and labour rights. This proposal broke with the mainstream socialist argument that working-class women must seek progress through supporting working-class men.  

On 19 March 1911, more than one million people attended IWD rallies in Austria, Denmark, Germany, Poland, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. One week later, the Triangle Factory fire in New York City killed more than 140 mostly Jewish women workers, sharpening demands to improve working conditions in the US.

Factory employment provided opportunities for workers to share information and to organise protests on a large scale. But factory work was not the most common form of employment at this time, and many working women were not included in these types of networks. Although women have always worked for pay, this was rarely in a large place like a factory; in an earlier blog, we explored the prevalence of women working from home (either their own or someone else’s), or in small shops and workshops.  

Olwen Hufton characterised women’s work prior to c.1900 as an ‘economy of makeshifts’, picking up odd jobs as and when to make ends meet. This undoubtedly describes the labour of that half of the population of both sexes who had few or no assets. And women were always in a worse position than men because their wages were lower.  

However, among that half of the population which had assets of any kind, the picture is more complicated. This post explores the least-known form of women’s work: business ownership, often known as entrepreneurship. It argues that a better understanding of the diversity of women’s past economic roles can only help to ‘Accelerate Action’, as this year’s IWD theme asks. 

Female entrepreneurs in the past

The British Business Census of Entrepreneurs is based on the England and Wales census data from 1851-1911. It uses the original meaning of entrepreneur as someone who takes the risk of business upon themselves – that is, who is self-employed, or employs others. Carry van Lieshout and colleagues have found that around one third of late-19th-century entrepreneurs were female. The great majority of these, like the majority of male entrepreneurs, ran small businesses.  

Women were probably more likely to be entrepreneurs of necessity (needing to work from home with small children) than to be opportunity entrepreneurs, spotting gaps in the market that could profitably be filled. But there were certainly those as well. In a culture where women’s wages stagnated between one half and two thirds of men’s wages over centuries, small business offered the possibility of self-sufficiency. 

Eighteenth-century evidence from account books, guild records, and business cards shows women in business even at elite levels in the City of London. This evidence of women in business was discovered in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when history was developing as a field of study in universities. Historians then were surprised to find women working in an apparently self-determined way outside of the low-paid, low-skilled jobs of service and factory work which dominated their own day.  

However, when interest in women’s history reappeared at the end of 20th century, the focus was on history from below. The earlier work was dismissed as being too rosy and overly optimistic. Hufton in 1984 argued that ‘the success stories of women in business are restricted to a handful of women … and these success stories are usually closely associated with the performance of husband or father. Research in the 21st century has shown that certainly many women inherited businesses from their father or mother or husband, but there is no evidence that familial influence was any greater than with men who inherited businesses from their father or mother or wife.

A handful of women?

The Sleepe sisters, whose mid-18th century business cards are represented here, all learned their trade of fan-making from their mother. Their father was a musician. 

Business cards of Martha Sleepe, Mary Sansom, and Esther Sleepe. British Museum.

All three sisters, like their mother, were located in Cheapside, the most expensive shopping street in London. Mary Sleepe married John Sansom, who worked in imported woods, so produced the only known card representing husband and wife in different businesses (middle image above, showing Mary Sleepe at the top of the card, and John Sansom below). Being listed first, Mary appears to have had more name recognition than her husband. When Esther Sleepe married Charles Burney, a musician like her father,, she simply changed her surname and address on her new business card (below).

Trade card for Esther Burney fan shop, 1745–1820. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Examples of businesswomen like those in the Sleepe family have previously been thought of as very rare exceptions. But a rapidly growing body of research over the last 20 years has found more and more substantial businesswomen, to the point where they can no longer be thought of even as unusual. They are connected to some of the 18th century’s best-known names. The Sleepes were the novelist Frances Burney’s mother, aunts and grandmother. William Hogarth’s sisters ran a children’s clothing shop, his mother sold medicines, and his principal patron was Mary Edwards, who managed large estates of her own. After his death, his widow Jane Hogarth managed the print business for 25 years.  

Caricaturist James Gillray’s printer (and landlady and personal support) was Hannah Humphrey. Poet and scholar Thomas Gray’s mother and aunt were milliners who paid for his education at Eton and Cambridge. Elizabeth Baring founded Baring’s Bank with her sons; Eleanor Coade invented coadestone, which decorates some of the most prominent buildings in Britain and around the world; ‘bluestocking’ Elisabeth Montagu was also a colliery owner; Mary Blackstone, mother of the jurist William, was a silk mercer; Elizabeth Howland, daughter of East India Company chairman Josiah Child, built Howland Docks in Surrey. Wealthy gentlewoman Ellen Morewood saw no conflict between having her portrait painted by George Romney and running her Derbyshire colliery and ironstone extraction operation.

George Romney, Ellen Morewood (1790).

Thousands of businesswomen are of course unknown today: printers, dressmakers, school proprietors, and actresses and playwrights who were also theatre shareholders. At the gentry and aristocratic end, women running estates were not ‘remarkable’ or even ‘unusual’, as National Trust houses would have us believe. It was a regular occurrence.  

Why this matters today

Some historians see women in business as agents of their own destiny; others see them as capitalist collaborators. We do not know how they saw themselves, or whether they were in fact exploited or exploitative. Without taking a moral position, their existence is significant because it must change the way we see women in the past: there is no suggestion that women should restrict their market activities until the end of the 18th century, and then it is only for a tiny slice of the population. This history must also change the way we see business: a mixed-sex market is quite different to the all-male market that has often been assumed as the norm.  

Most women in high-prestige, highly paid jobs today, believe that they are newcomers in their fields. They accept limits on their expectations because they believe that improvements will take time. To think of oneself instead as the inheritor of a long line of antecedent female businesswomen and entrepreneurs might severely limit ones patience with the status quo. Feeling exceptional is not as empowering as feeling part of a longer history.

Conclusion

A better understanding of women’s past economic roles and the history of women’s work is crucial if we are to ‘Accelerate Action’, as this year’s IWD theme asks. In the West, IWD fell into abeyance after the First World War because of its association with communism. In the late 1960s, second-wave feminism revived IWD as a day of protest, and the date was fixed on March 8 in Europe and the US. In 1975 the day was adopted by the United Nations, as ‘a time to reflect on progress made’ and ‘celebrate acts of courage and determination’ by ordinary women.  

History suggests that critical thinking is just as important as celebration.  

Further reading

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  • Aston, J., Female Entrepreneurs in the Long Nineteenth Century (Palgrave, 2020). 
  • Aston, J., and Anderson, O., Deserted Wives and Economic Divorce in 19th-Century England (Bloomsbury, 2024). 
  • Aston, J., and Bishop, C., (eds.), Female Entrepreneurs in the Long Nineteenth Century: A Global Perspective (Palgrave, 2020). 
  • Bishop, C., Minding Her Own Business: Colonial Businesswomen in Sydney (New South, 2015). 
  • Collins, J., ‘Jane Holt, milliner, and other women in business: Apprentices, freewomen and mistresses in the Clothworkers’ Company, 1606-1800′, Textile History 44 (2013).
  • Gowing, L., Ingenious trade: Women and work in seventeenth-century London (2021).
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Five reasons why service in the past was not like Downton Abbey

Thursday, March 6th, 2025

Charmian Mansell 

When Downton Abbey first aired on 26 September 2010, the public was immediately hooked. It wasn’t just the glamour, the affluence, and the scandals of the aristocratic Crawley family living in the big house that drew viewers in. It was also the cast of servants working tirelessly below stairs that captivated audiences.  

The show gave airtime to the lives of men and women who lit fires, carried luggage, mopped floors, cooked food, served food, made beds, and did laundry, all in the service of the Earl and Countess of Grantham and their three daughters. 

Downton Abbey dramatizes service in the Crawley’s country house in the early 20th century. But what if we turn the clock back a few hundred years? What was service like in the centuries before Downton? Here are five ways in which pre-industrial English service was not as Mr Carson (the butler), Anna (the lady’s maid), or Daisy (the kitchen maid), experienced it. 

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Could farm managers in the middle ages be trusted?

Thursday, February 27th, 2025

Jerome Gasson

Employee fraud is a significant problem in modern economies, resulting in estimated losses worth over £200m in the UK in 2022. But was employee fraud also a serious issue on medieval estates? 

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With whom did older persons reside in the past?

Thursday, February 20th, 2025

Richard Smith

It is commonplace to assume that, traditionally, care for older adults has been the responsibility of family members, and was provided within the extended family implying that elderly persons spent their declining years under the same roof as their married children. But work at Campop has shown that this residential arrangement was not actually the norm in the British past. 

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From cradle to grave

Thursday, February 13th, 2025

Simon Szreter                      

Most people know that this memorable phrase is associated with the modern welfare state created by the first majority Labour government under Prime Minister Clement Attlee, elected in 1945 after victory in World War II. But was it in fact the first time that a universal social security and welfare system had been legislated in British history? 

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Who had access to common land?

Thursday, February 6th, 2025

Leigh Shaw-Taylor

Common land was once very widespread, before being swept away by a process known as enclosure (discussed further below). In 1500, perhaps 50 percent of England and Wales was common land. There is a popular conception that this common land could be used by everyone, or at least by the whole village community. But as we will see, this is a highly misleading perspective. 

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The vulnerability of non-marital births

Thursday, January 30th, 2025

Alice Reid

A previous blog charted trends in non-marital conceptions and births in England from 1550 to the present. It argued that although many couples engaged in sexual intercourse before marriage, in most cases when a woman fell pregnant she and her partner married swiftly, so that the majority of extra-marital conceptions were born within marriage. Not all pregnant women were able to marry however, giving rise to extra-marital births, or ‘illegitimate’ children.

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Working from home in the past

Thursday, January 23rd, 2025

Amy Erickson

In the spring of 2020, when the government asked anyone who could conduct their paid employment remotely to do so for fear of a novel coronavirus, working from home – or WFH as it came to be known – was a novel concept. It seemed strange because since the 20th century we think of paid work as taking place outside the home – in a factory, an office, a shop, a hospital, a school or university. But in historical terms, working outside a home (not necessarily one’s own, but someone’s home) is a relatively recent phenomenon.

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The growth of the service sector

Thursday, January 16th, 2025

Leigh Shaw-Taylor 

The service sector, also known as the tertiary sector, comprises all workers not making a physical product. This includes shopkeepers, wholesalers, publicans, hotel workers, people working in financial services, health and social care workers, professional services, and transport workers. 

The UK economy today, like that of all rich countries, is dominated by the service or tertiary sector. According to the 2021 census, fully 76 percent of the labour force is now in the tertiary sector. But when did the service sector become dominant, and when did it begin to grow? Many people think the growth of the service sector is a recent phenomenon, starting perhaps in the 1950s and picking up speed as Britain de-industrialised from the 1970s. However, new long-run data on male occupations collected by the Occupational Structure of Britain c.1379-1911 project tell a different story. 

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