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women’s history « Top of the Campops: 60 things you didn't know about family, marriage, work, and death since the middle ages

Top of the Campops: 60 things you didn't know about family, marriage, work, and death since the middle ages

Posts Tagged ‘women’s history’

Women have always worked – for pay

Thursday, August 8th, 2024

Amy Erickson

It is commonly assumed that women entered the workforce in significant numbers only after the World Wars of the 20th century. While women may have been occupied with household duties in previous centuries, the assumption goes, they were much less likely than men to engage in paid labour. This blog explains why a) that’s wrong, and b) the issue is much more complicated than simply a progressive increase in women earning their own salary. 

The Woman Shopkeeper, British School. Photo credit: People’s Palace and Winter Gardens, Glasgow, licensed under CC BY-NC-ND.

In 2018 the female labour force participation rate reached a record high of 74 percent. Reliable figures began in 1851, with the first census in which it is possible to discern anything like a labour force participation rate. In 1851, 43 percent of women were reported to be in ‘regular employment’. ‘Regular’ was not defined, so that figure should be taken as a minimum of those engaged in paid employment, with no indication of hours worked.  

Mid-19th century concepts of full-time employment were very different from our own: agricultural work was from dawn (or earlier in the case of milking) to dusk, so varied seasonally; textile factory or mining or blast furnace shifts were 12 hours; shops were open in all daylight hours, six days a week. Today’s full time eight-hour day and 40-hour week would have been considered part-time for the last 500 years.  

If 43 percent of adult women were in regular employment in the mid-19th century, then women constituted nearly one third of the total labour force (not counting unpaid domestic work). Single women and widows were much more often employed than married women, only 10 percent of whom were in regular employment.  

However, while the great majority of women married, and most of those who married had children whose upbringing was certainly their mother’s responsibility, nonetheless more than half of all adult women (usually counted as 15+) were not married at any given point in time. 

The industrial revolution

The effect of the industrial revolution on women’s employment has been hotly debated for the last century. The current consensus is that the effects varied by type of manufacturing. 

The largest manufacturing sector, by number of people employed and by exports, was textiles. The mechanisation of spinning from the late 18th century had a catastrophic effect on women’s employment levels nationwide: yarn that was previously produced by hand by women all over the country was now produced in factories highly concentrated in particular towns, and much of the labour was men’s.  

J. Hinton, The Art of Stocking-Frame-Work Knitting, engraved for the Universal Magazine, 1750. Science Museum Group, © The Board of Trustees of the Science Museum.

The mechanisation of weaving in the early 19th century partially compensated for the earlier technological unemployment caused by the mechanisation of spinning, since factory weaving was largely female. But factory weaving, like factory spinning, was not evenly spread but geographically concentrated: cottons in Lancashire; woollens in West Yorkshire and the West Country; silks in Essex and Cheshire.  

The census evidence, available for the period 1851-1911, shows that female labour force participation rates were demand-led – that is, wherever paid employment was available in the period 1851-1911, women took it. So regional differences were marked. That situation probably applied earlier too.  

The best place to measure employment rates prior to 1851 is London, using court records which asked witnesses how they supported themselves. Around 1700, these records show a minimum of 65 percent of married women in employment, six and a half times the 1851 rate. Nearly all single and widowed women were in employment.  

Married women in employment still bore all of the domestic responsibilities, but they were likely to pay other women to do the required cooking, cleaning, washing, and childcare – either as live-in servants or on a casual daily basis as charwomen. This left the wealthier women who had received skilled training from their parents or an apprenticeship free to operate their trade. Both their activities and the servants’ employment increased the female labour force participation rate.

For married women, the drawback of earning was that technically their husbands owned all of their property, although there were ways around that draconian rule.

Sketch book of Paul Sandby (1745-1809), photo credit: Trustees of the British Museum.

Entrepreneurs

Given sufficient capital, running one’s own business was infinitely preferable for women, whose wages stuck at the biblical ratio of one half to two thirds of men’s wages for over 500 years (Leviticus 27:2-4). Both piecework and entrepreneurship were therefore preferable to wages. The censuses of 1851-1911 suggest that historically women were more likely than men to be entrepreneurs – whether they chose self-employment through necessity or to take advantage of opportunities. 

Before the 19th century, most work was domestic in the sense that it took place in or around someone’s home. Of course, all of the labour that we now refer to as unpaid domestic work was still necessary, but to a large extent women were paid to undertake it. 

Unknown artist; Esther Hammerton (1711-1746).
Hester succeeded her father as sexton at All Saints’ Church in Kingston, which required her to dig graves and ring the bells. By the end of the 18th century, every parish within London’s city walls and several without the walls had employed a women sexton at one time or another.

Labour force participation rates 

In the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, around one third of all households employed servants. By 1851, only 12 percent of households employed servants, which necessitated much more unpaid labour in the home. The mid-19th to the mid-20th century marked a historic low point in what we now call labour force participation rates, and of course saw the campaigns for women’s education, reforms to married women’s property law, and access to the professions of medicine and law.  

It is these campaigns that are often referenced as ‘opening up’ employment for women, but the story is considerably more complicated and by no means a simple progression from bad to better. Investigating women’s employment in the pre-census era puts into perspective the ‘record’ labour force participation rate of 2018: it looks now more like a return to an earlier status quo, rather than an achievement of equality of opportunity. 

Women gutting and salting herring for export in Wick, c.1900, photo credit: Johnston Collection, Wick.

Further reading

Open access

Xuesheng You, ‘The missing half: female labour force participation in Victorian England and Wales’, in The Online Historical Atlas of Occupational Structure and Population Geography in England and Wales 1600-2011, ed. L. Shaw-Taylor, A. Cockerill and M. Satchell (2017). 

Economies Past lets you explore female and male employment by local area 1851-1911. 

On Populations Past you can disaggregate women by marital status and relate their employment to households, to infant and child mortality, and to children’s employment by local area 1851-1911. 

The British Business Census of Entrepreneurs maps women and men in business 1851-1911. 

Paywall

Amy Erickson, ‘Married women’s occupations in eighteenth-century London’, Continuity & Change 23 (2008), 267-307. 

Wanda Henry, ‘Hester Hammerton and women sextons in eighteenth and nineteenth-century England’, Gender & History 31:2 (2019), 404-21. 

Carry van Lieshout, Harry Smith, Piero Montebruno & Robert J. Bennett, ‘Female entrepreneurship: business, marriage and motherhood in England and Wales, 1851–1911’, Social History 44:4 (2019), 440-68. 

Leigh Shaw-Taylor, ‘Diverse experiences: The geography of adult female employment in England and the 1851 census’, in Women’s Work in Industrial England: Regional and Local Perspectives, ed. Nigel Goose (2007). 

Jane Whittle, ‘A critique of approaches to “domestic work”: Women, work and the pre-industrial economy’, Past & Present 243 (2019), 35-70. 

Xuesheng You, ‘Women’s labour force participation in nineteenth-century England and Wales: evidence from the 1881 census enumerators’ books’, Economic History Review 73:1 (2020): 106-33. 

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Mrs Man: Why do women take their husbands’ surnames?

Thursday, July 11th, 2024

Amy Erickson

Thomas Gainsborough
Mr and Mrs Andrews
about 1750. Courtesy The National Gallery.

The habit of women taking a husband’s surname is seen by some as reflecting ancient patriarchal control of women, and by others as a romantic custom symbolising unity. But there is nothing either ancient or romantic about it: the practice has a very specific history. 

Surnames were first used in elite noble families, and were applied to more ordinary people in England in the late 14th-century poll taxes. At the same time, English lawyers were developing the rule of ‘coverture’, whereby all of a woman’s assets (with certain limited exceptions) were acquired by her husband upon marriage.

This was distinct from the Roman law of marital property which gave a husband the management but not the ownership of his wife’s property. Variations of the Roman law prevailed throughout the rest of Europe, including Scotland.  

So for 500 years, England was the only European country in which husbands gained (almost) complete control of their wives’ assets, and where women exchanged their birth surnames for their husbands’ surnames when they married. In the image at the top of Mr and Mrs Andrews, the land depicted in the painting was hers, and it has become his with their marriage. 

While unique in Europe, the habit of taking a husband’s surname spread to North America and many other places through England’s extensive colonisation. By around 1900, thanks to the influence of the British Empire and its former colony, the United States, the practice became popular in other parts of Europe and was even made mandatory in a few places.

Mr Wife?

It was never mandatory in England for a woman to take her husband’s surname. There are historic cases of married women retaining their birth name as a professional name. Ann Fisher (1719-78), the daughter of a Northumberland yeoman, wrote books on education. She continued to publish as A. or Ann Fisher after her marriage (age 32) to the printer Thomas Slack (age 28), and throughout their personal and professional partnership of more than a quarter of a century in a Newcastle printing house. 

A new grammar, with exercises of bad English: or, an easy guide to speaking and writing the English language properly and correctly. By A. Fisher (1753).

There were even circumstances where a husband would take his wife’s surname, if her wealth was substantially larger than his. For example:

  • Whenever an estate ‘failed’ in the male line by the circumstances of a landowner producing either no children or only daughters, a name change was likely to be imposed – either on a daughter’s husband or on a male heir who traced descent through the female line and so bore a different surname.
  • Around 15 per cent of marriages produced no sons, and some owners never married to produce legitimate heirs, making surname change accompanying inheritance a relatively regular occurrence. When Anna Scott (1651-1732), sole heiress to the Earl of Buccleuch, married Charles II’s illegitimate son (the future Duke of Monmouth), her widowed mother ensured that he took the Scott surname. It is estimated that every aristocratic family in England has undergone descent through the female line via surname change.
  • Landowners could make mandatory the adoption of an heiress’s surname by her husband through perfectly legal conditions placed on bequests. So Sussex grocer’s daughter Mary Ann Gilbert married Davies Giddy in 1808, shortly after she turned 32. Nine years and five children later, the Giddys became the Gilberts in order to inherit an estate of a thousand acres from Mary Ann’s childless paternal uncle.
  • Any marriage between couples with significant assets involved a marriage settlement, or what would now be called a ‘prenup’. Again, these were perfectly legal ways to avoid the husband’s complete control over the wife’s assets: they established in advance of marriage the property that was to go to the future sons and daughters, and the amount that a wife should have in the event of the couple’s separation and upon her widowhood.
  • Where the wife was heiress to a large fortune, a marriage settlement could require the husband to adopt her name. In the Sussex baronet Webster family, the heavily indebted fourth baronet married the heiress Elizabeth Vassall in 1786 and adopted her surname in order to receive her inheritance of rich holdings in New England and Jamaica. One plantation alone brought the former Webster, now Vassall, an income of over £7,000 a year. 

Coverture

Even among marrying couples with only small amounts of property, a bride might perceive a need to protect hers legally from coverture. In 1624, Katherine Trusse, the widow of a Lincolnshire ferryman, drew up a bond to ensure that her intended second husband should pay for her four children’s upbringing and each of their £5 portions from their father, with interest. But this type of marriage settlement did not involve a name change for the husband. 

The difference between a husband’s management of his wife’s property in continental Europe and ownership in England had ramifications for marriage beyond the change of surname.

Coverture made divorce impossible because a wife could not extract her assets from the marital household. Separation could be upheld by the English courts, which could order a husband to pay his wife a maintenance (alimony) to live on, where a couple was wealthy enough to afford such an arrangement. But no remarriage was possible. Divorce was possible in Catholic France but not in Protestant England because a French woman’s assets could be extricated from her husband’s.  

Other surname practices and the English addition of a husband’s first name 

Of course the birth surname is itself a patriarchal construct, reflecting paternal ownership. Some cultures give children both the maternal and the paternal surnames conjoined, as in Spain. But these maternal names drop out over time, as that child’s children take the paternal half of each parent’s name.  

The Nordic countries used a patronymic naming system until around 1900, in which each generation’s surname changed with the given name of the father: the children of Eric Jonsson and Maria Andersson (remembering that Nordic married women did not take their husbands’ names) would be surnamed Ericsson and Ericsdotter. In Iceland, this system is still used, but the surname may be matronymic as well as patronymic. 

Sir John Everett Millais, Bt, Mrs James Wyatt Jr and her Daughter Sarah. c.1850. Copyright Tate CC-BY-NC-ND 3.0

In England, the adoption of a husband’s first name as well as his surname, as in Millais’s portrait of Mrs James Wyatt, began to appear only around 1800. Wherever this phrasing is applied to a woman’s portrait before that time, it has been retrospectively given a title in the 19th or 20th century. So title of the portrait christened ‘Mrs Thomas Talbot’ (1638-1706) would have been unrecognizable to its sitter. In the 17th century, Ann Yate would have been ‘Miss Yate’ or ‘Miss Ann Yate’ as a teenager, ‘Mrs  Yate’ until her marriage, and ‘Mrs Ann Talbot’ after her marriage to Thomas Talbot. 

Pieter Borsseler, Anne Yate (1638-1706), Mrs Thomas Talbot; Copyright National Trust Images.

Further reading

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography entries for Anna Scott, Duchess of Buccleugh, Webster Family, Mary Ann Gilbert, and Ann Fisher.

A. L. Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England (London: Routledge, 1993).

A.L. Erickson, ‘The marital economy in comparative perspective’, in The Marital Economy in Scandinavia and Britain 1400-1900, ed. Maria Ågren and A. L. Erickson (Ashgate, 2005). 

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